Wiener Studien – Zeitschrift für Klassische Philologie, Patristik und lateinische Tradition, Band 135/2022

In Pindar’s Olympian 3 Theron is glorified all the more because his victory is connected to the ancient tradition of the olive branch and its concomitant symbolism; it is presented as a link in a chain which ultimately originates from the supreme god, Zeus, and reaches through Heracles and the Dioscuri to the present. On the one hand, the olive branch is suggestively presented as conflating the opposites; it is destined both for every man and for the few, because all are inspired by it to strive for excellence, pursuing therefore, happiness; thus, it ensures the cohesion of mankind. On the other hand, the laudandus, Theron, is also implicitly depicted as fusing the opposites; he has changed by becoming an Olympic victor and he has remained the same, since he continues worshiping the Dioscuri who have granted him this victory; thus, his victory, which has as its recipients not only himself but also his compatriots, secures the coherence of his community. This latent correlation between the implications of the Olympic symbol of victory and those of its present awardee is elicited by Pindar through an intricate network of verbal repetitions, subtle mythological allusions and innuendos.

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Plat. Pol. 299b3–c6 is usually interpreted as an allusion to Socrates’ trial but there may be references to Anaxagoras and Protagoras.

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In this paper I will discuss four passages in the Miles gloriosus whose text is disputed: Mil. 61–63 contains an unsolved riddle, 93 a corrupt verb, 115 an unusual colloquial expression, and 450f. an indubitably corrupt noun. In this contribution I want to disencumber the apparatus criticus of my edition of the play, which will appear in the editiones Sarsinates (Sarsina-Urbino).

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This article proposes new conjectures at Plautus, Most. 94, 191, 227–230, 222, 292, 445, 504, 591, 721a, 757 and 1012. Moreover, it proposes revisiting older conjectures at vv. 73, 217, 249, 419, 794, 796 and 959–961 (the last one with some slight retouching), that had been dismissed and mostly forgotten since the appearance of the major editions at around 1900. In the case of vv. 227–230, 591 and 721a, the conjectures involve re-ordering lines.

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This note discusses line 408 of the Ciris and its peculiar crux. The author seeks to explain how the erroneous form numantina has found its way into the text and he argues for accepting the conjecture vos o humana si qui de gente venitis which was suggested by M. Lenchantin de Gubernatis.

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In the first chapter and in the appendix, I question the conventional thesis that a collection compiled by Porphyrios was the source Ausonius made use of for his Epitaphia. In the main part, I present some examples to illustrate two types of text-relations that are constitutive for the opusculum: first the relationship between the model and the text, the so-called intertextuality (epit. 1–3), then – looking at epit. 6, 5, 13 – interrelations among the epitaphs themselves which I name intratextuality. The correlations help to network the diverse individual portraits and to give coherence to the cycle.

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This paper establishes the textual relationship between two of the earliest manuscripts of Augustine’s De civitate Dei: the most ancient extant witness of the work, Verona, B. Cap., XXVIII (26), 5th century, and the Carolingian Verona, B. Cap., XXIX (27), 9th century. It examines their codicological relation and deals with the relationship of their paratexts (the tabulae capitulorum and the marginalia). It also analyses the possible Veronese provenance of two other witnesses, namely: Paris, BnF, lat. 12214 + St. Petersburg, RNB, Q.v.I.4 and the palimpsest Bologna, Archivio della Fabbriceria di San Petronio, cart. 716/1, no. 1, in order to offer an overview of the fortune of De civitate Dei in Verona from late Antiquity to the Carolingian period. Lastly, it provides a transcription of an unpublished oratio, added on f. 252v of manuscript XXVIII, which has been linked with the Bishop Ratherius of Verona (ca. 887–974).

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In 1957, Ángel Vega published two fragments of an apparent homily of Gregory of Elvira on Ecclesiastes (CPL 556b) interpolated in Taio of Zaragoza’s Excerpta sancti Gregorii (CPL 1269). This paper presents the critical edition of these fragments based on the entirety of the manuscript tradition. Moreover, I provide for first time a study and edition of a commentary on Ecclesiastes which seems to be based, in part, on the very same homily of Gregory.

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In the present article two parchment leaves preserved at the Oberösterreichische Landesbibliothek in Linz (Ms. 642 and 644) are identified as the remnants of a copy of the homiletic collection De quattuor virtutibus caritatis written at Regensburg in the first third of the 9th century under bishop Baturich. It is demonstrated that Baturich himself is likely to have procured the book’s exemplar from Fulda. Whereas many copies of coll. IV virt. car. survive from the high and the later middle ages, we currently know of only three Carolingian witnesses (the Regensburg book in question; a Fulda book the short fragment of which is now preserved at Marburg; a book mentioned in several old lists from Lorsch), and they all seem to have been closely related. As for the structure of coll. IV virt. car., it is argued that the distinction between a core consisting of texts nr. 1–24 and a supplement consisting of texts nr. 25–28, which was introduced in the collection’s first scholarly description by Raymond Étaix, should be abandoned.

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The present article informs about some newly discovered manuscript fragments at the Österreichische Nationalbibliothek in Vienna, which originally come from the same book as Berlin, SPBK fragm. 47 and Wien, ÖNB ser. n. 3754. The book in question was written at Mondsee in the first quarter of the 9th century. It contained an interesting collection of early medieval texts pertaining to the exegesis of the Gospels, among which figure the so-called Expositio IV evangeliorum (in all three recensions known to us), the Pseudo-Augustinian Sermo de decem talentis, and the Expositiunculae in evangelium Iohannis evangelistae Matthaei et Lucae formerly (and wrongly) attributed to one “Arnobius Iunior”. The new fragments are succinctly described, their contents – especially the text of the Expositiunculae – is briefly discussed. An appendix is dedicated to Berlin, SPBK fragm. 47, fol. 3 which contains the remnants of four short texts (among which a version of the so-called “Alphabet of Words”) that have never been discussed so far.

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The free imperial city of Nürnberg, situated in the middle of Germany, had the privilege to preserve the insignia of the Holy Roman Empire, and it was the only German free imperial city which had a university on its territory (at Altdorf). It used to celebrate special events in the imperial history by the issue of medals and by festivals with orations and poems in the town hall of Nürnberg or in the University of Altdorf. In this respect, the article covers the time of 1711, the death of Emperor Joseph I, to 1746, the start of Emperor Francis I. Special historical and literary attention is given to several occasions of that sort, namely to the issue of a Nürnberg medal on occasion of the homage to Emperor Charles VI in 1712, to the Latin dissertation on the insignia of the Holy Roman Empire, written by Johann Peter Ludewig, Professor at the University of Halle, and defended by a student from Nürnberg in 1713, to the Latin oration of Christian Gottlieb Schwartz, Professor at the university of Altdorf (1675‒1751), who was the official Latin orator and poet of the city of Nürnberg, on the occasion of the birth of Archduke Leopold, the son of Emperor Charles VI, in 1716, to the Latin ode of Schwartz on the occasion of the conquest of the city of Belgrade by Prince Eugen of Savoy in 1717, to the Latin poem of Schwartz on the occasion of the festival for the 300th anniversary of the invention of printing in 1740, to the Latin oration of Schwartz on the occasion of the death of Emperor Charles VI in 1741, to the Latin oration of Schwartz on the occasion of the death of Emperor Charles VII in 1745, and to Schwartz’ commented edition of Pliny’s panegyrical oration for the Emperor Traianus, dedicated by him to Emperor Francis I in 1746. Thus, the article represents celebrations of important historical events in an imperial city of Germany during the first half of the 18th century which were accompanied by Latin texts. These are elucidated and observed in regard to their panegyrical function with the help of editions, translations, and interpretations.

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The first complete poetic translation of Seneca’s tragedies into German was made in Bohemia, at the time part of the Habsburg monarchy, in the years 1821–1830 by the Czech national revivalist poet and philologist Václav Alois Svoboda (1791–1849). His translation of the Roman playwright raises several important questions. It is not only interesting that the author was strongly influenced by the “Sturm und Drang” movement and wrote radical freethinking poems in the group of patriotic students. One must also consider the influences of Neo- Humanism, which promoted Greek culture, since Svoboda translated Schiller, Goethe and the poetry of German Romanticism and corresponded with de la Motte-Fouqué, Goethe, and Wilhelm Humboldt. Why did Svoboda fight against contemporary contempt for Seneca’s tragedies? Why did he not choose some Classical Greek plays in accordance with the general preferences of the period and current stereotypes about “perfect Greece” and “decadent Roman culture”?

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